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On the very day Donald Trump received a tailor-made "award for peace" from his newest friend, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his government released an equally ostentatious national security strategy. This relatively short report drips with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically modest assertion that the president has rescued "our nation – and the world – back from the edge of catastrophe and ruin."

Even though the document largely formalizes the ongoing actions and statements of Trump and his team, it must be taken as a serious caution for the international community, and for the European continent in particular.

A Strategy of Intervention and Civilizational Anxiety

The document espouses an assertive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US clearly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its language could have been lifted directly from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the much-discussed refugee crisis of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to reclaim its civilizational self-assurance." More ominously, the document claims that Europe's "economic decline is eclipsed by the genuine and more stark prospect of cultural extinction."

The whole section dedicated to Europe is imbued with decades of European far-right dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and creating conflict, censorship of free speech and suppression of political opposition, plummeting birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-belief." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether some European countries will have economies and armed forces strong enough to be dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, certain NATO members will become majority non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for authentic democracy, freedom of expression, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ individual character and past."

Foundational Theories of the Right-Wing

These arguments carry powerful echoes of two theories seen as foundational for contemporary right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose argument on the cyclical decline of civilizations was used by the German far right to attack the "perversion" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "native" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "native" populations and import a more docile and dependent electorate.

It is the nativist fantasy contained in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it identifies its allies: "America encourages its ideological partners in Europe to advance this revival of spirit, and the increasing influence of nationalist European parties indeed gives cause for great optimism."

The Goal: "Make Europe Great Again"

Put simply, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only political force that can achieve this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "building up the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "aligned countries that want to restore their former greatness" – such as Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays unclear on methods, it is obvious that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an adversary either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to interfere in the "western hemisphere," which he proclaimed to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

None of this is necessarily new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is laid out in an official document, European leaders will at last realize that the situation is serious. And if the document is too long or vague for them, it can be summarised in clear and succinct terms: the current US government believes that its national security is most enhanced by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a deliberate adversary. Now is time to act appropriately.